Even Musharraf faced assassination attempts when he tried to rein them in. He too was scared. In interviews, he often dodged direct questions about Hafiz Saeed or Masood Azhar-an admission, of sorts, that even a dictator could not confront them head-on.

The Pakistan of today is not the Pakistan of yesterday. The power once held between the civilian government, the mili- tary establishment, and the ISI has been upended. Radical jihadist forces, once patronised and de- ployed by the Pakistani state, particularly in Kashmir as strategic assets - have now seized control from their masters. In the 'Naya Pakistan' of today, the army, ISI and elected representatives increasingly appear to be puppets, not puppet masters.

The power shift has became evident in the aftermath of India's retaliatory strikes on terror camps in Bahawalpur and other known jihadi strongholds following the horrific Pahalgam massacre. A now-viral photograph showed several top-ranking Pakistani army generals standing behind Hafiz Abdur Rauf, a US-designated global terrorist, reciting the kalma, paying respects to individuals India has identified as the most wanted terrorists who got eliminated in the Indian strike on May 7. that image was not just symbolic; it was clear signal. The Pakistani army no longer commands the jihadists - the jihadists now dictate terms to the Generals and the deep state.

General Asim Munir, Pakistan's current Chief of Army Staff, finds himself in a pre- carious position. Like many other generals and politicians, in the days leading up to the limited Indo-Pak conflict that began on May 7, Munir also sent his family abroad. The move signals the extent of pressure and danger he faces- not primarily from India, but from within his own country and the establishment now largely controlled by the non-state actors, read terrorists.

The unfolding of the events could be as follows - The jihadi forces, angered a by the extradition of 26/11 mastermind Tahawwur Rana from the U.S. to India, must have been breathing down General Munir's neck, demanding retribution give confidence to their rank and file un- leashing terrorism in India.

These non-state actors-such as Lashkar- e-Taiba (LeT), Jaish-e-Mohammed, and their ideological cousins - once served as proxies of the Pakistani deep state. But over time, their ideological zeal and battle- field success gave them a base of power and influence that far outgrew the con- trol mechanisms of the ISI. When Parvez Musharraf tried to rein them in during his tenure, they turned on him, attempting multiple assassination attempts. He soon realised that the Pakistani establishment was in no position to control or finish the terrorists. In TV interviews, Musharraf often dodged direct questions about terror masterminds like Hafiz Saeed or Masood Azhar-an admission, of sorts, that even a military dictator could not confront these forces head-on.

Today, the lines between Pakistan's formal state apparatus and the jihadi eco- system are so blurred that it's difficult to tell where the army ends and where the terrorists begin. The politicians and the Pakistani establishment know that defying these elements could mean the end of their careers - or even their lives. The limited war that broke out after India's Pahalgam massacre - a brutal ter- rorist attack widely believed to have been engineered by Pakistan-based outfits - was the final straw. Under immense domestic and international pressure, and perhaps fearing his own marginalisation, General Munir first attempted to pacify the jihadis with a fiery speech, calling Kashmir as Pakistan's jugular vein. Subsequently, the Pahalgam attack was carried out by Pakistan-sponsored terrorists to satisfy their thirst for revenge following Rana's extradition.

India's response was swift and calcu- lated. Over the last decade, under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, India has invested heavily in its air defence infrastructure - procuring the Russian S-400 system, boost ing indigenous platforms like Akash, and working toward a missile shield modelled on Israel's Iron Dome. These moves were not just about defence, but deterrence. When the Pahalgam attack happened, Modi sat with his top Generals and de- cided to retaliate with unprecedented force, not just to punish, but to reshape the regional calculus.

The global response, or lack thereof, was telling. Initially, both the U.S. and China adopted a wait-and-watch approach. American leaders stated it was not their business to intervene. However, their reactions soon revealed deeper strategic and economic calculations. The United States facilitated an IMF bailout for Paki- stan during the conflict. China not only armed Pakistan with advanced weaponry but has consistently shielded known ter- rorists on the global stage, particularly

a potential asset in South Asia's evolving strategic theatre. China values Pakistan as a counterweight to India and a key player in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). At the same time, neither can afford to alienate India - a $ 3.5 trillion economy with a population of 140 crore which makes it a colossal consumer mar- ket. For it is the business interests that are driving the strategic decisions of some of the powerful countries.

It is in this moment of reckoning that the true picture of Pakistan emerges. A nation whose establishment - civilian and military-is being held hostage by the very militants they once nurtured. From Bahawalpur to Balakot, from Balochistan to Kashmir, Frankenstein's monster has turned on its creator. Even Pakistan's own Defence Minister admitted on Sky News that the country supported terrorism in the past - a rare moment of truth.

Now, with the jihadis wounded and ex- posed by India's retaliatory strikes, there may be a narrow window of opportunity. It's likely that many in Pakistan's army and political class secretly welcome this new balance. They fear the jihadis. For once, the terrorists have been hit where it hurts. No one in Pakistan can say it aloud, but even many Pakistani leaders and Gener- als may feel that India did what their own institution could not. Going forward, the hope is that Pakistan uses this moment to rethink its priorities. It must decide whether it wants to be a modern nation or continue down the road of chaos, where extremists control policy and the government cowers in fear.